By Hamid Naficy
The outstanding efflorescence in Iranian movie, television, and the hot media because the consolidation of the Islamic Revolution animates Volume 4. in this time, documentary movies proliferated. Many filmmakers took as their topic the revolution and the bloody eight-year warfare with Iraq; others critiqued postrevolution society. The powerful presence of girls on reveal and in the back of the digital camera ended in a dynamic women's cinema. A dissident art-house cinema—involving the superior Pahlavi-era new-wave administrators and a more youthful iteration of leading edge postrevolution directors—placed Iranian cinema at the map of global cinemas, bringing status to Iranians at domestic and overseas. A fight over cinema, media, tradition, and, finally, the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic, emerged and intensified. The media grew to become a contested web site of public international relations because the Islamic Republic regime in addition to international governments adverse to it sought to harness Iranian pop culture and media towards their very own ends, inside and out of doors of Iran. The wide overseas stream of flicks made in Iran and its diaspora, the massive dispersion of media-savvy filmmakers in another country, and new filmmaking and verbal exchange applied sciences helped to globalize Iranian cinema.
A Social background of Iranian Cinema
Volume 1: The Artisanal period, 1897–1941
Volume 2: The Industrializing Years, 1941–1978
Volume three: The Islamicate interval, 1978–1984
Volume four: The Globalizing period, 1984–2010
Read Online or Download A Social History of Iranian Cinema, Volume 4: The Globalizing Era, 1984–2010 PDF
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Extra info for A Social History of Iranian Cinema, Volume 4: The Globalizing Era, 1984–2010
To ensure the security of missions, not much of the vast amount of footage was 10 T he G lobalizi ng Era turned into completed films or shown publicly. However, it was screened privately to some military units and authorities. Apparently, the conditions under which this footage is stored are dismal and it is fast deteriorating (Sadri 1995/1374:44). That the original Super 8 stock was positive (with no negative original) meant that any screening of the footage damaged the original. Unless the Super 8 footage is transferred to a more current format, or to internegative stock, or digitized, its usability will diminish further.
Nongovernmental and nonfestival outlets for documentary screening were few and small. The international circulation of documentaries lagged behind that of fiction, but it grew in the 2000s. Most of the top Pahlavi-period documentaries gained fame not because they were shown widely but often precisely because they were not screened at all, or if so only at film festivals, university cine-clubs, and foreign governments’ cultural societies. Inaccessibility and censorship conferred value. Sometimes the restrictions were due to the film’s critical intelligence, but not always.
Then, with her voice rising, she declaims: “As long as there is a 4 In Headless in the Alley of Love a child appears to be carrying a rocket-propelled grenade launcher. Frame enlargement. . ” A barrage of weapon firings that burst into pockets of light brings the video to an end. The film that follows concentrates on the self-sacrifice of the soldiers of the Al-Mahdi Army fighting in Operation Karbala 5. The charismatic commander Khalil Mottaharnia is seen displaying poise and quiet bravery under fire; his dead body in the end is found seated, but without a head—hence the title of the film.
A Social History of Iranian Cinema, Volume 4: The Globalizing Era, 1984–2010 by Hamid Naficy